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SAMHSA

Monograph

Prevention Works Through Community Findings from SAMHSA/CSAP's National Evaluation


Table of Contents

Acknowledgments

Foreword

Introduction

Chapter 1: The 48-Community Study

The Community Partnership Program and the 48-Community Study

Outcomes

Prevention Strategies

Implications for Policymakers, Practitioners, and Researchers

Limitations of the Study

Chapter 2: The Five Model Partnerships

Springfield, MO

Lake County, IL

El Paso, TX

South Central Los Angeles, CA

Knox, Laurel, and Whitley Counties, KY

References

List of Exhibits

  1. Map of 251 SAMHSA/CSAP Community Partnerships

  2. Average Number of Partners per Partnership, 1992-1996

  3. Average Number of Volunteer Hours per Partnership, 1992-1996

  4. 30-Day Substance Use

  5. Individual Conditions That Lower the Likelihood of Substance Abuse

  6. 8 of 24 Partnerships Showed Statistically Significant Reductions in Substance Use

  7. Summary of Five Model Partnerships

  8. Partnerships' Involvement With Local Policies, 1993, 1994, and 1995

  9. Types of Communities and Prevention Strategy

 

List of Boxes

  1. Overcoming an Early Challenge in the Life of a Community Partnership

  2. Partnerships Need To Be "Inclusive"

  3. Prevention Efforts Need To Include the Workplace (Which Is Also Part of the Community)

  4. Empowering Residents Requires Decentralizing to Neighborhood or Local Groups

  5. Overcoming Initial Barriers to Partnering

  6. Changes in Local Policies Represent a Form of "Institutional Change"

  7. Coordinating What's Already in Place

  8. How "Community Development" and Substance Abuse Prevention Are Linked

  9. The Importance of Raising Community Awareness

  10. Anticipating a Later Challenge in the Life of a Community Partnership


Acknowledgments

This document was developed based on findings from the National Evaluation of the Community Partnership Prevention Grant Program, under the guidance of Shakeh J. Kaftarian, Ph.D., Acting Director, Office of Knowledge Synthesis and Project Officer, through contract #277-94-2023 to COSMOS Corp., Robert Yin, Ph.D., Project Director.

The Community Partnership Prevention Grant Program was administered by the Division of State and Community Systems Development (DSCSD), Ruth Sanchez-Way, Ph.D., Director. DSCSD staff led by David Robbins and Dan Fletcher, as well as Mary Jansen, Ph.D., Director of the Center for Substance Abuse Prevention's (CSAP's) Division of Knowledge Development and Evaluation, provided valuable commentary and input.

Major contributions were made by Robert Yin, Ph.D.; Ping Yu, Ph.D.; Pradip Muhury, Ph.D.; James Greer, Ph.D.; and Margaret Gwaltney, M.B.A., of COSMOS Corp. Other COSMOS Corp. staff who worked on this report were Jennifer Brady, Dawn Kim, Bob Johnson, Janet Pinkett, Lee Carpenter, and Ann Reese.

CSAP and the National Evaluation team are grateful to the Technical Assistance Committee members (Gladys B. Baxley, Ph.D.; Monit Cheung, Ph.D.; David Cordray, Ph.D.; Phyllis Ellickson, Ph.D.; Lawford L. Goddard, Ph.D.; Cheryl Grills, Ph.D.; Craig Love, Ph.D.; David Murray, Ph.D.; Mary Ann Pentz, Ph.D.; J. Fred Springer, Ph.D.; Adela de la Torre, Ph.D.; and Abe Wandersman, Ph.D.) for their guidance in the design of the evaluation study and the analysis of data. Special thanks go to David Murray, Ph.D.; Lee Sechrest, Ph.D.; and Leonard Bickman, Ph.D., for their expert assistance in different phases of this evaluation project.

The Department of Health and Human Services has reviewed and approved policy-related information in this document but has not verified the accuracy of data or analyses presented in the document. The opinions expressed herein are the views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) or the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

DHHS Publication No. (SMA)00-3373

Printed 2000

For single copies of this document, contact SAMHSA's National Clearinghouse for Alcohol and Drug Information (NCADI), P.O. Box 2345, Rockville, MD 20847-2345; 1-800-729-6686, 301-468-2600, or TDD 1-800-487-4889; or visit the Web site at www.health.org.


Foreword

We are pleased to release these findings from the 48-Community Study, the largest community-based substance abuse prevention and health promotion trial ever conducted. This study shows that community partnerships are a viable strategy for preventing substance abuse. On the basis of these positive study results, we believe this approach should be implemented in every community throughout the nation.

The findings from the 48-Community Study have tremendous implications for how we--as individual communities and a nation--can do a better job preventing substance abuse among both adults and youth. The study reinforces the need for communities to work together and form partnerships to reduce drug and alcohol abuse--a strategy proven to be more effective than traditional, fragmented approaches.

This study also confirms that more activities and prevention strategies aimed at females are needed. CSAP has already begun pursuing prevention efforts aimed at girls through the GirlPower! Campaign, Teen Parents and Welfare Reform, the Starting Early/ Starting Smart Initiative, the Substance Abuse Prevention and HIV Prevention Initiative, and the Parenting and Family Strengthening Prevention Initiative.

These materials are designed to serve practitioners, researchers, and policymakers as we all work together to develop both the vision and the resources necessary to create workable, community-based solutions to community needs.


Karol L. Kumpfer, Ph.D.
Director
Center for Substance Abuse Prevention
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration


Nelba R. Chavez, Ph.D.
Administrator
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration


Introduction

The Community Partnership Program and the 48-Community Study

The Community Partnership Program, 1990-96: The Largest Federally Funded Partnership Program. SAMHSA/CSAP's Community Partnership Program, authorized under the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 (P.L. 1900-690), funded 251 community partnerships from 1990-1996; 95 grants were awarded in fiscal year 1990 and another 157 in fiscal year 1991 (one grant dropped out shortly after award). They were located in 45 States across the country and in Puerto Rico. The main purpose of the program was to decrease substance abuse by improving conditions in the community environment.

A Landmark, and Rigorous, 48-Community Study. The 48-Community Study tracked and evaluated the outcomes of the partnerships' prevention strategies. The study randomly selected a group of 24 partnerships from the total of 251 and identified 24 nonpartnership communities that matched the partnership communities on the basis of demographic similarities. Data, based on annual site visits, were collected from the 24 partnerships; outcome data, based on surveys of 83,473 randomly selected adults, 10th graders, and 8th graders, were collected from all 48 communities. Reliable and valid survey instruments and methods were used to collect data from adults in their residence and from youth in their schools.

Two types of analysis were used to obtain the outcome estimates for this study. First, a pooled analysis was conducted by combining data from the 24 partnership communities and comparing the results with the combined data from the 24 nonpartnership communities. Second, a paired analysis was conducted by comparing the data from individual partnership communities with the matched nonpartnership comparison communities.

Across all of the 48 communities surveyed, substance abuse rates were compared between partnership and comparison communities over an 18-month interval. Because there were three age groups (adults, 10th graders, and 8th graders) and two types of substance use (illicit drugs and alcohol), six different outcomes were assessed.

Outcomes

Statistically Significant Reductions in Regular Substance Use by Males but Not Females in the Partnership Communities. For the partnership communities, male substance use rates were lower at the second point in time, relative to the comparison communities--usually by about 3 percent--on five out of the six outcome measures of regular use (i.e., reported alcohol and illicit drug use during the past month):

1. 8th-grade illicit drug use;

2. 8th-grade alcohol use;

3. 10th-grade illicit drug use;

4. Adult illicit drug use; and

5. Adult alcohol use.

All comparisons were statistically significant at the p<.05 level, one-tailed. Tenth grade alcohol use, the sixth outcome, remained unchanged.

In contrast, female substance use rates were significantly different for only one of the six outcomes (partnership communities' rates were higher for eighth grade females illicit drug use in the past month).

Connection Between Living in a Community Partnership Community and Reduced Substance Use. Those surveyed were also asked other questions about their lives, and not just whether they used alcohol or drugs, in both surveys. Adults reporting less illicit drug use also reported four conditions that could be considered correlates, if not precursors, to lower substance use (statistically significant at the p<.05 level):

  1. Living in a partnership (not a comparison) community,

  2. Being involved in substance abuse prevention activities,

  3. Living in a neighborhood perceived to have minimal illicit drug trading or illicit drug markets, and

  4. Having a disapproving attitude toward the use of illicit drugs.

Prevention Strategies

Desirable Prevention Strategies Were Demonstrated by Five Model Community Partnerships that Reduced Substance Use. The study tested prior research and hypotheses about desirable partnership strategies. First, when individual partnership-comparison community pairs were examined, 8 of 24 partnership communities showed some statistically significant reduction in substance use, relative to their matched comparison. Second, five of the eight community partnerships with measurable reductions in substance use were found to have used all of the desirable strategies (a summary of each of the five model partnerships can be found at the back of this report). The other three community partnerships had few of the desirable strategies; additionally, they may have had other reasons for their results that could not be explained with the data collected. In other words, there are probably other characteristics of successful partnerships that were not measured by this study. Also, it is possible that there could have been other community forces that led to the changes.

The five model partnerships with measurable reductions in substance use and found to have used all of the desirable outcomes were located in diverse locales: Springfield, MO; Lake County, IL (a suburb of Chicago); El Paso, TX; the South Central area in Los Angeles, CA; and Knox, Laurel, and Whitley Counties (a rural area), KY. The desirable strategies included:

  • A comprehensive vision, covering all segments of the community and all aspects of community life;

  • A wide sharing of this vision, agreed upon by groups and citizens across the community;

  • A strong core of committed partners at the outset;

  • An inclusive and broad-based membership, welcoming all segments of the community;

  • Avoidance or resolution of severe conflict that might reflect misunderstandings about a partnership's basic purpose;

  • Decentralized units, encouraging participation and action at small-area or neighborhood levels;

  • Nondisruptive staff turnover of a reasonable rate; and

  • Extensive prevention activities and support for local prevention policies.

Implications for Policymakers, Practitioners, and Researchers

This landmark study represents the beginning of much more field testing and evaluation of the community partnership strategy. Brief implications for the future might be as follows:

  • For policymakers, community partnerships are a viable and general strategy, befitting possibly all types of communities;

  • For researchers, community-based evaluations can be rigorous and still produce useful findings; and

  • For practitioners, the lessons learned about successful partnerships can help to refine the operations of existing partnerships.
Return to the Table of Contents


Chapter 1
The 48-Community Study

The Community Partnership Program and the 48-Community Study

The 48-Community Study was an unprecedented evaluation of the effectiveness of community partnerships in preventing or decreasing substance use.

The key findings from this rigorous outcome evaluation suggest that community partnerships can be effective in decreasing alcohol and illicit drug use in males, but were not effective in decreasing alcohol and illicit drug use in females. Because males have a higher rate of substance use than females, any effective method for reducing use should be implemented. However, substance use among girls is increasing rapidly, and girls now surpass boys in stimulant use--tobacco, amphetamines, cocaine, crack, and inhalant--as well as in tranquilizers. The results of this large study should serve as a wake-up call to those in the field of substance abuse prevention and make them aware of the need to invest in developing and field-testing gender-specific prevention approaches.

The Community Partnership Program, 1990-96: The Largest Federally Funded Partnership Program. SAMHSA/CSAP's Community Partnership Program, authorized under the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 (P.L. 1900-690), funded 251 community partnerships from 1990 to 1996; 95 grants were awarded in fiscal year 1990 and another 157 in fiscal year 1991 (one grant dropped out shortly after award). The grants were located in 45 States across the country and in Puerto Rico (see Exhibit 1). The main purpose of the program was to decrease substance abuse by improving conditions in the community environment.

Exhibit 1

The community partnership grants had the
following features:
Lessons Learned
BOX 1: Overcoming an Early
Challenge in the Life of a Community
Partnership

Community partnerships are not usually incorporated entities. Thus, to receive funds, they must have a "fiscal agent"--such as a city agency, a community-based 501(c)(3) organization, or even a university. One key to later operational success is how the partnership, its board, and its fiscal agent interpret and divide their responsibilities for important functions such as the hiring and firing of staff or deciding on strategic directions for substance abuse prevention.

  • Five-year grants, averaging about $350,000 per year (see Box 1);

  • A mandate to carry out community-initiated, long-range, and comprehensive substance abuse prevention programs;

  • Coordination and leveraging of a community's existing prevention efforts (not just to start new prevention services);

  • Broad representation on steering committees of at least seven local partner organizations and agencies, including local government (see Box 2); and

  • Mobilization of large numbers of participating residents--as volunteers for coalition activities.
Lessons Learned
BOX 2: Partnerships Need
To Be "Inclusive"

The main contribution of a community -partnership is to establish and maintain broad-based support for substance abuse prevention. Membership must reach out to all segments of a community, including all institutions and certainly including all racial and ethnic groups. Such inclusive-ness ensures that all community norms are addressed, thereby creating a spirit of prevention that goes beyond the support of individual substance abuse prevention activities.

Most partnerships implemented basic community change models that involved 1) development of a steering or executive committee; 2) mobilization and training of community volunteers; 3) needs assessments and gap analyses of existing prevention services with the needs (often using the volunteers to provide buy-in and commitment); 4) development of comprehensive prevention plans; 5) implementation of prevention activities; 6) evaluation; and 7) feedback and revision of plans and activities. Examples of prevention activities were media campaigns; community, school, and cultural events; alternative recreational programs for youth and parent or family training programs; employment and workplace programs (see Box 3); neighborhood clean-ups of drug houses; and mobilizing citizens to change laws or policies reducing access or appeal of drugs.

 
Lessons Learned
BOX 3: Prevention Efforts Need
To Include the Workplace
(Which Is Also Part
of the Community)

The common image of substance abuse is that it occurs among the young or marginally employed. Because of this image, some believe that prevention should mainly involve efforts by schools, families, and social services. However, one of the more successful community partnerships had the local chamber of commerce as its leader and focused on local businesses as opportune places for delivering prevention messages and initiatives. As a whole, the partnerships were encouraged to consider workplaces as integral parts of their communities.

Community partnerships embraced a broad variety of partnering organizations, including local governments, schools, faith communities, neighborhood groups, parent groups, businesses, family and youth, services agencies, police departments, and local colleges and universities (see Exhibit 2). Some of these organizations were cooperating for the first time, and that alone marked a major milestone of success. Overall, the community partnerships attracted many people who volunteered a large number of hours (about 3,000 hours per partnership per year--see Exhibit 3).

 

 

 

 

Exhibit 2

 Exhibit 3

A Landmark and Rigorous 48-Community Study. The 48-Community Study tracked and evaluated the outcomes of the partnerships' prevention strategies. The study randomly selected 24 partnerships from the total of 251 and identified 24 nonpartnership communities that matched the partnership communities on the basis of demographic similarities. Prevention data, based on annual site visits, were collected from the 24 partnerships; outcome data, based on surveys of 83,473 randomly selected adults, 10th graders, and 8th graders, were collected from all 48 communities. Reliable and valid survey instruments were used to collect data from adults in their residence and from youth in their schools.

Two types of analysis were used to obtain the outcome estimates for this study. First, a "pooled analysis" was conducted by combining data from the 24 partnership communities and comparing the results with the combined data from the 24 nonpartnership communities. Second, a "paired analysis" was conducted by comparing the data from individual partnership communities to the matched nonpartnership comparison communities.

The inclusion of 48 community sites quite possibly makes this study the largest community health promotion study in history. The study design, data collection, and methods were determined and monitored by an expert panel of nationally recognized community researchers and leading social scientists.

The study used sophisticated statistical modeling, including structural equations modeling (SEM) and field-based case studies to arrive at its conclusions.

Outcomes

Statistically Significant Reductions in Regular Substance Use by Males but Not Females in the Partnership Communities. Across all of the 48 communities surveyed, substance use rates were compared between partnership and comparison communities over an 18-month interval. Because there were three age groups (adults, 10th graders, and 8th graders) and two types of substance use (illicit drugs and alcohol), six different outcomes were assessed.

For the partnership communities, male substance use rates were lower at the second point in time, relative to the comparison communities--usually by about 3 percent--on five out of the six outcome measures of regular use (i.e., reported alcohol and illicit drug use during the past month):

1. 8th-grade illicit drug use;

2. 8th-grade alcohol use;

3. 10th-grade illicit drug use;

4. Adult illicit drug use; and

5. Adult alcohol use.

All comparisons were statistically significant at the p<.05 level, one-tailed. Tenth-grade alcohol use, the sixth outcome, remained unchanged.

In contrast, female substance use rates were significantly different for only one of the six outcomes (partnership communities' rates were higher for eighth-grade females using illicit drugs in the past month). Exhibit 4 presents these results for both males and females. (When the responses from the males and females were combined, only one of the six regular use outcomes was significantly different, and that outcome favored the partnerships.)

  Exhibit 4 - Males Exhibit 4 - Females

One reason for this gender difference could be that many community drug prevention activities are implicitly aimed at males rather than females. For instance, a common strategy is to support alternative activities as a way of diverting youths from substance use. These activities (such as basketball, house building, and camp outings) may benefit males more than females, on the supposition that males are the more frequent customers at bars, for instance. As another example, changes in local policies such as alcohol distribution and sales also may affect males more than females. In fact, a major gap exists in research on prevention programs that address any unique causes of substance abuse in girls, such as child and sexual abuse, pressure to use drugs on dates, and use of stimulants to lose weight. These scenarios suggest that prevention strategies explicitly aimed at females deserve attention in the future.

Connection Between Living in a Community Partnership Community and Reduced Drug Abuse. In both the earlier and later surveys, respondents were also asked other questions about their lives, not just whether they used alcohol or drugs. Adults reporting less illicit drug use also reported four conditions that could be considered correlates, if not precursors, to lower substance use (statistically significant at the p<.05 level) (see Exhibit 5):

1. Living in a partnership (not a comparison) community,

2. Being involved in substance abuse prevention activities,

3. Living in a neighborhood perceived to have minimal illicit drug trading or illicit drug markets, and

4. Having a disapproving attitude toward the use of illicit drugs.

 Exhibit 5

Additional Evidence Linking Partnerships With Desired Organizational Outcomes. Mobilizing, implementing, and maintaining a community partnership is an arduous task (see Box 4). This study suggested the direct importance of this task, however, by showing that gaining community involvement and recruiting and involving partnership members were significantly related to attaining the partnerships' stated drug prevention goals. Having a large number of prevention activities was also related to this outcome.
Lessons Learned
BOX 4: Empowering Residents
Requires Decentralizing to
Neighborhood or Local Groups

Residents are more likely to volunteer to work on prevention if they understand how and why an activity might help their own situation-which is more likely to occur when efforts are organized at the neighborhood or local group level. The successful partnerships all consisted of multiple "decentralized" entities--local planning councils, task forces, or neighborhood teams--attracting their own funding and support in many cases. In this way, the -partnerships had organized themselves so that they maintained a common vision while decentralizing important parts of the partnership.

Prevention Strategies

Desirable Prevention Strategies Were Demonstrated by Five Community Partnerships That Reduced Substance Use. The study tested prior research and hypotheses about desirable partnership strategies. First, when individual partnership-comparison community pairs were examined, 8 of 24 partnership communities showed some statistically significant reduction in substance use, relative to their matched comparison (see Exhibit 6). Second, five of the eight community partnerships with measurable reductions in substance use were found to have used all of the desirable strategies (a summary of each of the five model partnerships can be found at the back of this report). The other three community partnerships had few of the desirable strategies; additionally, they may have had other reasons for their results that could not be explained with the data collected. In other words, there are probably other characteristics of successful partnerships that were not measured by this study. It is also possible that there could have been other community forces that led to the change.

  Exhibit 6

The five model partnerships with measurable reductions in substance use that were found to have used all of the desired strategies were located in diverse locales: Springfield, MO; Lake County, IL (a suburb of Chicago); El Paso, TX; the South Central area in Los Angeles, CA; and Knox, Laurel, and Whitley Counties (a rural area), KY (see Exhibit 7 and Chapter 2). The desirable strategies included:

  • A comprehensive vision, covering all segments of the community and all aspects of community life;

  • A wide sharing of this vision, agreed upon by groups and citizens across the community;

  • A strong core of committed partners at the outset;

  • An inclusive and broad-based membership, welcoming all segments of the community;

  • Avoidance or resolution of severe conflict that might reflect misunderstandings about a partnership's basic purpose;

  • Decentralized units, encouraging participation and action at small-area or neighborhood levels;

  • Nondisruptive staff turnover; and

  • Extensive prevention activities and support for local prevention policies.
Exhibit 7

Less successful partnerships were hindered by one or more barriers, such as considering the partnership to be a "special project," not a long-lived entity of its own; misunderstanding the basic ground rules of the partnership, such as whether membership is to be limited; permitting staff to exert too much control, relative to the partners; and allowing a partnership's identity to be confused with other organizations (also see Box 5). 
Lessons Learned
BOX 5: Overcoming Initial
Barriers to Partnering

When partnerships with substantial new funding are first formed, a natural tendency of partnering organizations is to think their main goal is to define the funds each will receive. Real partnering begins only when partners overcome this tendency and realize that their real goal is to understand how all must contribute to the well-being of the partnership.

Partnerships Helped To Promote Community Change, Not Just Prevention Services. Because community partnerships can garner broad-based support, they differ from other prevention strategies. The goal is to change the community environment, not just target specific at-risk individuals. Model partnerships achieved these changes by such actions as:

  • Supporting local policies aimed at reducing illicit drug availability or increasing the penalties for illicit drug use (see Exhibit 8 and Box 6);

      Exhibit 8

     
    Lessons Learned
    BOX 6: Changes in Local Policies
    Represent a Form of "Institutional
    Change"

    Community partnerships seek institutional change: to broadly mobilize communities against all forms of substance abuse and to promote the pursuit of healthy lives. Such changes appear difficult to express in more concrete form. However, local policies can reflect these changes, and community partnerships worked to implement such policies as drug-free and smoke-free places and public events; bigger penalties for illicit drug use and possession; decreased blood alcohol levels and bigger penalties for driving while intoxicated; fines for selling and distributing alcohol and tobacco to underage youth; code enforcement to eliminate "crack houses"; curfews; and many others.

  • Influencing coverage of local events by the mass media, to emphasize constructive rather than negative images of local life;

  • Coordinating a comprehensive array of services for one-stop shopping (also see Box 7); and

  • Using slogans, posters, billboards, T-shirts, cultural events, and hotlines to raise community awareness over the threats posed by substance abuse.

 
Lessons Learned
BOX 7: Coordinating What's
Already in Place

Most communities already have substance abuse prevention activities, usually administered by single agencies or organizations. The community partnership's goal is to increase coordination among these activities, sometimes also identifying ways in which the single agencies or organizations can collaborate-rather than compete-to attract new funds. Several partnerships were successful in demonstrating how such collaboration increased new support, because the collaborating groups had a more attractive array of services to offer.

Partnerships Engaged in Diverse Prevention Activities and Actions. The partnerships also engaged in, coordinated, and collaborated in diverse prevention activities and actions. Diverse activities are desirable, reflecting the increasingly accepted notion that substance abuse prevention is not merely a matter of targeting certain at-risk groups but also targeting multiple facets of a community's environment (see Box 8).

 
Lessons Learned
BOX 8: How "Community
Development" and Substance Abuse
Prevention Are Linked

Preventing substance abuse sometimes involves changing the physical environment, not just getting people to change their behavior. Along these lines, residents in one of the community partnerships successfully proposed a parks renovation project costing over $500,000. (Their park had previously been the scene of drug-trafficking and related crime.) Refurbishing the park is an example of a community development activity, even though the primary motive was substance abuse prevention.

Across the Community Partnership Program as a whole, examples of partnership activities and actions included the following:

  • Awareness Activities (usually single events aimed equally at partnership visibility and support, not just prevention--see Box 9): 
    Lessons Learned
    BOX 9: The Importance of Raising
    Community Awareness

    Until the late 1980s, many communities considered substance abuse a problem of isolated, at-risk populations. Few could imagine community-wide implications, and some people even denied the nega-tive implications of underage drinking and tobacco use. An important accomplishment of some community partnerships was raising awareness through the development of slogans, posters, media campaigns, and billboard displays. Sufficient awareness alone could lead to vigilance, mobilization, and institutional change.

    • Cultural and ethnic festivals

    • Press releases, posters, pamphlets

    • Fundraisers

    • Media announcements

     

  • Program Activities (usually extended efforts reflecting a major prevention or community development strategy):

    • Needs assessments and strategic planning

    • Alternative programs for youth

    • Family and youth skills training

    • Parent training

    • Media campaigns

    • Employment programs

    • Workplace programs

    • Neighborhood empowerment

    • Coordination of community organizations

  • Local Policies and Regulations:

    • Gun free/drug free school zones

    • Liquor licensing limitations based on number of outlets within a neighborhood

    • School substance abuse and weapons suspension policies

    • Drug conviction fines to support youth training activities

    • Pre-employment and random drug testing

Prevention Strategies Can Vary by Type of Community. Community organizers should not feel impelled to support every activity or action. The study speculated that a fourfold typology might be usefully investigated by future research (see Exhibit 9).  Exhibit 9

The typology suggests that, for instance, for communities that already have a variety of prevention services, coordination may be a partnership's priority. Similarly, for communities with low resources, identifying the key local policies and regulations to be implemented may be the priority. Communities with chronic drug problems, as a third example, may have to mobilize residents and improve relationships with service providers as well as support desirable local policies. Fourth, partnerships in communities with an economic link to the production or distribution of alcoholic beverages, tobacco products, or illicit substances (e.g., cultivating marijuana for export) might have to begin their prevention strategies with the challenge of reducing the mixed messages reaching the community's youth.

Implications for Policymakers, Practitioners, and Researchers

This landmark study was the first of its kind and represents the beginning of more field testing and evaluation of the community partnerships strategy. Brief implications for the future might be as follows:

  • For policymakers, community partnerships are a viable and general strategy, possibly befitting all types of communities;

  • For researchers, community-based evaluations can be rigorous and still produce useful findings; and

  • For practitioners, the lessons learned about successful partnerships can help to refine the operations of existing partnerships (also see Box 10).
Lessons Learned
BOX 10: Anticipating a Later
Challenge in the Life of a Community
Partnership

Because most partnerships do not start as incorporated entities and because incorporation later may be inappropriate, partnerships must continue seeking funds and support when grant awards or contributions cannot be made directly. Establishing solid ongoing relationships with the right fiscal agent or other host organization is a later and continuing challenge of a community partnership.

Limitations of the Study

The 48Community Study has several limitations. First, the 18-month interval between the time people were surveyed on substance use was conducted between 1994-95 and 1996. This time period reflects the latter stages of the Community Partnership Program. Had the two surveys been further apart, the nature and magnitude of the changes may have been different. Second, to maintain anonymity, different people were surveyed at the two points in time. Hence, the surveys represented cross-sections of the communities, not the same individuals being tracked over an 18-month period. Therefore, the findings are based on the difference in the communities' profiles at two points in time, not on individuals' changes in substance use. Third, the comparison communities were matched for demographic conditions, with the only other stipulation being that the community did not have a SAMHSA/ CSAP-funded community partnership grant. However, the comparison communities may have had other types of community partnership or prevention activities.

All of these limitations should be taken into account in interpreting the results of the 48-Community Study and in designing future evaluations.

Return to the Table of Contents


Chapter 2
The Five Model Partnerships

Springfield, MO

Community Type

Ozarks Fighting Back is a partnership in Springfield, MO, a metropolitan area in the Midwest with a predominantly white (about 95%) population of about 240,000. During the partnership's early years, the entire region was experiencing growth--three times faster than the state average. The poverty rate is also much higher than the state average. The area is home to large religious populations, four church colleges, and one state university.

The partnership's community has a diversified economy, with a broad range of business, industry, health care, and educational components. It is the financial and communications center of the region and has a healthy tourism industry.

Alcohol abuse was the major concern of the partnership (the 33,000 local college students have been a sizable at-risk group). The level of tolerance of underage drinking was high, and adult alcohol consumption was rarely seen as problematic. At the partnership's onset, an emerging community problem was an increase in the presence of gangs and illicit drug trafficking.

Ozarks Fighting Back was classified as serving a Type A community--a middle- or working-class community where illicit drug problems were considered to be newly rising or beginning to reach unacceptable levels, but where prevention services and infrastructure had already been in place prior to the partnership (thus, resource-rich).

Partnership's Organizational Features

The partnership took shape in the late 1980's, when separate organizations saw the need to work together to obtain resources for their prevention efforts. The partnership's early approach was based on the recognition that, though there were extensive prevention resources, there was little coordination and inadequate publicity.

Ozarks Fighting Back grew from a small task force of four committees in 1988 to an impressive coalition of 108 members, 15 standing committees, 15 subcommittees, and 8 spin-off projects by 1995. The partnership was mainly organized around an agency and business coalition, a neighborhood-organizing component, and a youth component.

After the partnership's creation, the general structure of the partnership remained the same, but the committees underwent several changes, reflecting the partnership's ability to adjust to the changing needs of the community. For example, a grassroots coalition was abolished in 1994, when it became clear that this approach did not bring significant results. In its place, a neighborhood organizing effort was implemented--with the purpose of bringing the communities together in prevention ventures.

The partnership identified its overarching goals, objectives, and strategies in the form of a 5-year plan that allowed for fine tuning and maneuverability. Each year, specific and goal-oriented components of the plan were defined. Similarly, each year the partnership's committees developed individual annual action plans, defining their own goals and objectives and the actions needed to accomplish them. This design led to tremendous volunteerism and sense of ownership among committee members.

The diverse staff provided essential support for the partnership. More important however, was the staff's ability to serve as a catalyst for involvement, letting others take over and get credit for the partnership's efforts. This involvement largely contributed to the partnership's success and to its reputation as a reliable source for prevention work and neighborhood involvement. The project director, other long-term staff, and part-time neighborhood organizers encouraged decisionmaking by members.

The partnership developed a clear relationship with its grantee organization. Early on, the grantee signed a memorandum of understanding delineating its authorities and responsibilities. The grantee only intervened when partnership funds were involved and in the hiring and firing of partnership staff.

Membership in the partnership was less structured, being defined in de facto terms--actual participation in programs. All member agencies, however, signed a written agreement. Representatives from almost all key components of the community became partnership members--including city government, law enforcement, the schools, the media, and others.

Prevention and Policy Activities

Ozarks Fighting Back coordinated the development of "one-stop shopping" for social services. Public and private family support, health, mental health, job training, and education agencies provided needed services to youth and their families in high-risk areas at neighborhood schools.

Neighborhood organizers helped residents develop neighborhood watch groups, provided substance abuse prevention information, held social events, developed a community center, and organized graffiti paint-outs.

The partnership created a "Prevention Development Fund Program," to support services to prevent youth and others from using alcohol or other illicit drugs. In 1995, the partnership funded 27 prevention projects totaling more than $30,000 in mini-grants.

Another major component of the partnership's work was its "Workplace Initiative." The initiative started as a pilot project during the partnership's second year of SAMHSA/CSAP funding. Partnership staff designed and began implementing the program to strengthen local businesses' policies and procedures on alcohol and substance abuse. Through drug-free workplace consultations with supervisors of both adult and youth employees, companies were offered the program's full array of components, including the development of a written policy, supervisor training, employee education, drug testing, and employee assistance plans. The selection of program components was tailored to the needs of each company and its employees.

Established in 1993 as an outgrowth of a gang task force (a standing committee in the partnership), the partnership's "Gang Speaker's Bureau" made an average of three gang awareness presentations per week.

The partnership and its members were also frequently involved in legislative activities, including drafting and supporting new city ordinances, such as an antigraffiti ordinance that was adopted in 1993 as well as supporting state legislation to reduce substance abuse. The partnership supported zero tolerance legislation at the state level, which passed in August 1994. The partnership supported the Youth Opportunities Act, passed by the state legislature in August 1995, which was designed to coordinate every state agency involved with children and family issues in order to build combined strategies and avoid duplication of efforts. The legislation also eased information sharing between schools and law enforcement agencies. The partnership also supported successful legislation stopping the over-the-counter sale of a stimulant used by youths.

Partnership Outcomes

The partnership showed statistically significant reductions in substance use, relative to its matched comparison community. Reductions were found in the use of illicit drugs by 10th graders during the past year and the past month. In addition, 10th graders showed a reduction in alcohol use during the past year. All other substance use outcomes, with the exception of adult illicit drug use in the past month, showed reductions relative to the comparison community, though the differences were not statistically significant.

An additional major impact of the partnership has been its success in bringing about collaboration and community involvement. Cooperation and coordination among a number of public and private agencies has increased dramatically, around the issue of substance abuse prevention. The partnership has coordinated specific responses to community problems. For example, it led the effort to reduce gang activity in the area, developing a gang task force and helping with the creation of annual graffiti paint-outs, a "Gang Tips" Hotline, the Solutions Alternative School, the Conflict Resolution Center, a weapons return program for high school youth, and a leadership summit to achieve consensus on anti-gang strategies.

The partnership also has received national recognition for its accomplishments, including the Mutual of America Community Partnership Award and the Exemplary Alcohol and Other Drug Prevention Program Award from the Administration for Children, Youth and Families (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services).

As further testimony to its success, Ozarks Fighting Back has attracted considerable additional funding for its work. For instance, newly developed S.A.V.E. and PEACE projects have been funded by the Federal Administration for Children, Youth, and Families. Other adjunct projects have received extensive funds from private and public sponsors and grants. The partnership also has become the support center for the Community 2000 project funded by the state mental health department--to expand community-based alcohol and other substance abuse prevention efforts to other parts of the state. Finally, the partnership has also encouraged funding and support for other projects, including the expansion of city recreational activities for youths.

The partnership's model for community mobilization and civic participation has been adopted by 22 other counties and was promoted throughout the state by the state substance abuse prevention agency.

Inhibiting Conditions

The partnership has had difficulty reaching out to the faith community. There have been some joint efforts between the faith community and the partnership, including a prayer rally and a breakfast meeting for youth ministers. However, while the faith community plays a major role in the community as a whole, its involvement in the partnership is still underdeveloped.

Also, some of the neighborhoods identified in the community organizing initiative have been reported to be too large, subsequently reducing the impact and success of the community organizers.

Finally, the partnership has had turf issues with another drug prevention council, who became aggravated when the partnership canceled a subcontract with the other council for work on the "Workplace Initiative."

Partnership Status

Ozarks Fighting Back has shown strong prospects for continuing beyond its original SAMHSA/CSAP funding. It had applied for 501(c)(3) status and had secured funding for seven of eight spinoff projects. The state also informed the partnership that money was available to fund its partnership for up to a year, as it moved from SAMHSA/CSAP funding to other sources. In addition, the partnership has been designated as one of the key partners in a new coalition that was awarded a coalitions grant from SAMHSA/CSAP.

Lake County, IL

Community Type

The Lake County Fighting Back Project served Lake County, IL, an area with a population of over 500,000. The county covers 454 square miles and is composed of 6 cities, 47 villages, and 48 school districts. The county's population ranges from the very wealthy to the very poor, and from rural neighborhoods to suburban and urban communities. It is 83 percent white, with the African American and Hispanic communities making up the next largest ethnic groups at 7 percent each. In recent years, the county has experienced considerable growth that has changed formerly rural areas into commuter suburbs.

The partnership's major drug concerns were alcohol abuse and marijuana and cocaine use. Both the use of other illicit drugs and the formation of gangs appeared to be on the rise in the community as well.

Youth alcohol use, experimentation, and abuse also were on the rise, with binge drinking among 11th graders slightly higher than the national average (based on a partnership-conducted school survey). The high incidence of youths driving while intoxicated (DWI) also was a major problem in the area. Of the 11th graders responding to the survey, more than 23 percent reported that they had driven under the influence of alcohol at least once in the past year. DWI was a serious problem in the adult population of the community as well.

Lake County Fighting Back was classified as serving a community--a middle- or working-class community where drug problems were considered to be newly rising or beginning to reach unacceptable levels, but where the community already had considerable prevention services and infrastructure (thus, resource rich).

Partnership's Organizational Features

A number of substance abuse prevention-related programs operated prior to the start of the partnership. However, although there were prevention programs in the county, gaps in service existed. One of the founding goals of the partnership was to identify the gaps and coordinate services within and between these areas. In addition, in spite of the prevalence of the alcohol problems in the community, there were no apparent substance abuse prevention messages in the newspapers--or on local television, radio, or highway billboards.

Lake County Fighting Back started in 1989 with the formation of eight subcommittees representing the eight key areas of the community affected by or impacting substance use problems as identified by the partnership: criminal justice, youth, family, business and labor, health and treatment, education, community, and religion.

The partnership maintained its original structure during its first two years, including the eight subcommittees, an executive council, and a project staff. Changes in the organization of the partnership during its third year, coupled with staff turnover (including project director turnover during each of the first 3 years), resulted in changes in the partnership, focusing on a broader mission that emphasized community organizing.

The partnership then developed four action teams for its four major strategies: healthy child and family, local partnerships, technical assistance, and public policy. Each team focused on developing prevention capacities within the 50 individual communities in the area, providing communication and coordination mechanisms for them. At this point, the partnership was composed of an executive council, a steering committee, the four action teams, a media committee, a religious committee, the youth network, and the Student Assistance Professionals.

The local partnerships were perceived as agents of change, ensuring that their communities were free of conditions that could contribute to the myriad causes of substance abuse. Substance abuse prevention was addressed indirectly through generalized community enhancement and the development of healthy and resilient families, rather than through more direct prevention activities. The county started with 6 local partnerships and grew to 17, plus a number of youth partnerships. Each local community partnership continued to operate independently and to decided for itself how to structure and organize.

The partnership peaked at 400 listed members, mostly criminal justice professionals. It had some difficulty reaching the business community. The actual active membership was also was considerably smaller than the listed number, even though there was no formal process for becoming a partner. In general, the partnership members believed that all the key agencies were included in the partnership but expressed concern about the adequacy of minority representation.

While the partnership was successful in targeting almost all major elements that needed to be included in comprehensive prevention efforts (with the exception of the workplace), it was not able to develop a comprehensive, long-term prevention strategy to guide the efforts of its different components.

During its first 2 years, before turning to its community organizing strategy, the partnership suffered from early excessive staff turnover. The rate of turnover has since become more stable and staff have played a significant role in coordinating partnership's work.

Prevention and Policy Activities

One of the partnership's major activities was the training provision and the establishment of roundtables for the local partnerships. The workshops were attended by representatives from most of the area's partnerships and drew groups ranging from 20 to 70 people.

The partnership also established a law enforcement roundtable for the multiple law enforcement agencies in the county. On average, about 10 representatives from different law enforcement agencies participated in these roundtables.

As part of its developmental dollars program, the partnership provided funding to prevention organizations and local government agencies for the development of prevention efforts. In fiscal year 1994-95, eight projects were funded with dollar amounts ranging from $650 to $2,000.

The partnership also created a "Fax Tree" and disseminated information regarding legislation impacting substance abuse issues and prevention efforts.

The partnership assumed an active role in prevention policies, supporting a county-wide teen curfew, training for alcohol servers at festivals, a state zero tolerance law for drivers under 18, reduced blood alcohol levels for drivers under 21, fines for open alcohol containers in automobiles, and additional fines for transporting minors while intoxicated.

Partnership Outcomes

Lake County experienced statistically significant reductions in substance use relative to its matched comparison community. According to the survey, alcohol use declined significantly for 10th graders during the past month and the past year. All other substance use outcomes showed reductions relative to the comparison community, though not statistically significant.

The partnership is also is credited with raising community awareness of drug problems in the county. It was identified as the driving force behind the now considerable exchange and coordination among local and county agencies, such as law enforcement and other service providers. The roundtables helped to build more cooperative efforts and establish a sense that many problems and solutions can be achieved by being a part of the county and not just as separate efforts within the 50 different communities.

One of the main legislative efforts, support of the zero tolerance law for minors found driving under the influence, came to a successful end when it the law was enacted in January 1995.

Inhibiting Conditions

Lake County Fighting Back suffered from early staff turnover that was not resolved until midway through the partnership grant.

In addition, the partnership suffered from a lack of a comprehensive plan, which left the various members and local partnerships with little guidance or a sense of an overarching goal. It was difficult for the partnership to define a broad-based connection between partnership work, substance abuse trends, and other community drug use indicators, and there was no strong coordination between the various local partnerships' visions. However, local partnerships may have adopted their own comprehensive plans.

The partnership also operated in a region with a large number of other active prevention groups, resulting in some turf conflict and overlapping services.

Partnership Status

Lake County Fighting Back was selected to receive a coalition grant from SAMHSA/CSAP. The partnership has relocated and changed its fiscal agent in December 1995. The partnership has been looking into ways to transfer some of the partnership's functions to others.

El Paso, TX

Community Type

The SAFE 2000 Community Partnership served El Paso, TX, a city of about 590,000, near the Mexican border. Approximately 70 percent of its population is Hispanic. The area is one of the poorest regions in the United States, and the city itself is the fifth poorest city in the U.S. Approximately 25 percent of families fall below the poverty line. The unemployment rate was 12.1 percent in January 1996. The poverty in the city is visible; about 5,000 people are homeless, and as many as 50,000 live in uncharted subdivisions of substandard housing in which families own their individual lots, but generally lack water, sewers, and paved roads.

The city has been identified as the number one gateway for drugs from South America. While alcohol was a major problem, with a neighboring town offering cheaper alcohol with few restrictions on sales to minors, the community was more concerned with illicit drugs and crimes. The community viewed alcohol as socially acceptable. Arrest rates for intoxicated behavior in the city were high.

The city was also home to a large number of gangs. Police estimates placed the number of gangs in the city at more than 4,000.

SAFE 2000 was classified as serving a Type C community--a community where substance use has been high or chronic for a long period of time.

Partnership's Organizational Features

The general consensus was that El Paso had an adequate supply of drug treatment facilities but had not developed the resources to launch an effective community prevention education campaign. The partnership was formed with a focus on youth, and emphasis was placed upon coordinating services--to minimize duplication. These concepts were framed within the context of a grassroots movement, whereby the community determined its priorities and worked with policymakers to develop strategies for tackling prevention problems.

The partnership was guided by a steering committee and a coordinating body. The steering committee consisted of 21 members who were heads of organizations from different community sectors and was chaired by a mayoral appointee. The steering committee experienced undesirable turnover during the partnership's final years of SAMHSA/CSAP funding. However, the partnership's staff remained stable and committed in the final 2 years of the partnership.

SAFE 2000 had task forces in seven of the city's eight districts, created to organize grassroots support and to encourage the generation of solutions to community problems within the community itself. Each district liaison recruited and organized interested neighborhoods and helped them develop and implement their own plans for prevention. The task forces generally consisted of approximately 8 to 25 active members, with outreach efforts touching hundreds.

The structure of the partnership was developed to include three levels of representation and participation: city leaders, neighborhood members, and youth.

There was no formal process for becoming a partnership member; those who expressed an interest and desire to help were considered members. This lack of a formal process was intentional; by making it less intimidating to interested individuals and agencies who could not commit a certain number of hours to the partnership, turf issues and competition were reduced and many people were allowed to participate. During the final year of SAMHSA/CSAP funding, more than 100 agencies and volunteers were listed as members.

In addition to serving as support for the neighborhood task forces, partnership staff also served on boards of other substance abuse prevention organizations, acting as information resources for similar efforts in the community. Through such linkages, the partnership was able to connect individuals and groups to one another and eliminate rivalry.

With the city as its fiscal agent, the partnership learned to move an issue through the political system. Partnership staff also helped the neighborhood task forces learn to interact with the city departments.

Prevention and Policy Activities

The neighborhood task forces carried out specific prevention activities, while the partnership emphasized community mobilization and training (including youth training), and the support of prevention activities. The partnership provided training and assistance to the task forces on the ways of conducting meetings, selection of committees and boards of directors, by-laws development, establishment of organizational structure, funds management, and ability to formalize ideas into written proposals and move them through the city system.

From 1992, the partnership's mini-grant program distributed approximately $25,000 each year to local substance abuse prevention initiatives. Many of the successful projects became self-supporting, such as the wilderness project, which provided alternative activities to high-risk youths at halfway houses.

Through its workplace initiative, which promoted drug-free workplaces, the partnership succeeded in recruiting a core group of 25-30 committed businesses to provide training and technical assistance to other businesses. A resource guide for small businesses, listing 30 services for troubled employers or employees, was also developed. The initiative increased local businesses' participation and support of the task forces in their neighborhood communities.

Other partnership prevention activities included a designated driver program (an awareness program for students and the general public); the "Showcase of Bands" (an alcohol-free youth concert); the "Family Picnic" (an alcohol-free family activity); the "Binational Project" (which included activities promoting substance abuse prevention across the border); and a community walk.

The partnership was not heavily involved in efforts to change or support policies. However, it did promote drug-free zones and drug-free workplaces, and it contributed to the demolition of several crack houses.

Partnership Outcomes

El Paso experienced statistically significant reductions in substance use relative to its matched comparison community. Significant reductions were found in the use of alcohol by 10th graders during the last year. Other substance use outcomes, except for eighth graders' use of alcohol in the past year, showed nonsignificant gains over comparison community.

The partnership also managed to build collaborative relationships that did not previously exist. It strengthened relationships with the police department, the school system and local university, and the local substance abuse prevention organizations.

SAFE 2000 successfully empowered several neighborhood task forces and their communities to take control of the substance abuse problems in their neighborhood. For instance, the partnership managed to mobilize a group of low-income Mexican-American women to develop leadership and a political voice. As a result, the women obtained $500,000 in funding from the city to renovate a park previously frequented by drug dealers.

The partnership also organized a group in a neighborhood with a great deal of illicit drug activity and violent incidents. This task force mobilized remaining residents to participate in community clean-ups and brought a small clinic and recreation center to its community. The task force changed its neighborhood name, as defined by the media, in an effort to change the neighborhood's image.

Another neighborhood task force developed a permanent central community center, and its activities included daily training for kids, computer training, recreation programs, and training for families on nutrition, health, and citizenship issues.

Inhibiting Conditions

The partnership had to deal with turf conflict among drug treatment serviceproviders. These groups were seen as very protective of their turf and unwilling to support prevention efforts.

Staff turnover was not high. However, it was disruptive because the city government was the lead agency, and the process for hiring a replacement took a long time and disrupted the task forces' organizational development.

In addition, turnover in the steering committee's leadership also was disruptive. The new chair lacked the commitment and enthusiasm of his predecessor, and consequently, the partnership lost its direct line of communication to the mayor, as well as the city's proactive support.

Some neighborhood task forces experienced a high turnover rate and a lack of citizen involvement.

Partnership Status

At the time of the evaluation's last site visit, SAFE 2000 did not have a strategic plan for its future beyond SAMHSA/CSAP funding. The partnership's main priority was to advance the task forces to a point where they could function on their own. The partnership was in the process of helping each task force develop a transition plan. In addition, the partnership provided each task force with minigrants of $5,000 for their preparation toward becoming self-sustaining. The goal was that the most developed task force would obtain 501(c)(3) status and function as an umbrella organization for the remaining task forces. Six of seven task forces had begun to raise funds for work beyond the life of the partnership.

One month after SAMHSA/CSAP funding ended, the partnership obtained 501(c)(3) status and continues work on its prevention activities.

Some other components of the partnership were also likely to continue after SAMHSA/CSAP funding ended, including the parent-to-parent training program and some of the programs initially funded through the minigrant program that had succeeded in obtaining funds from other agencies or organizations.

South Central Los Angeles, CA

Community Type

The Community Coalition for Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment was a partnership in South Central Los Angeles, CA, that served approximately 850,000 persons. The community is predominantly African American, with a 20-50 percent Hispanic population.

South Central Los Angeles has suffered from the highest number of drug-related and juvenile drug-related arrests in the city and surrounding county, the highest rates of cocaine and heroin use, the highest rates of juveniles living in poverty, and the greatest rate of housing vacancies. The area also was home to a high concentration of liquor stores. In 1990, there were 728 liquor licenses within 40 square miles of the area, a rate more than 10 times that of the rest of the county.

Portions of the community had become a dumping ground for medical waste, and auto paint shops in alleys, recycling centers in the neighborhood, and blighted housing all had become breeding grounds for illicit behavior. The local unemployment level was estimated at 47 percent.

The partnership was classified as serving a Type C community--a community where substance use has been high or chronic for a long period of time.

Partnership's Organizational Features

The partnership grew out of coalition-building that began in 1989, when a conference was convened on the problem of crack cocaine in the African American community. The conference allowed the partnership to apply for SAMHSA/CSAP funding. At the outset, the partnership identified the overconcentration of liquor outlets as the issue of highest priority to the community.

The Community Coalition began with a few major strengths: its membership's breadth of experience, consisting of many agencies and individuals already involved in community organizing and substance abuse prevention; its representation of government, health, law enforcement, youth and family services, universities, medicine, religion, and other key institutions; and its demonstrated skill in dealing with the media. The partnership had more than 400 members.

The partnership also established a strong intergenerational focus. The concepts of eldership and role-modeling were employed by the partnership as strategies for recruiting and building an ongoing volunteer base. Elders served as mentors for both the partnership leaders and the youth volunteers. Many of the elders were actively involved in the civil rights movement of the 1960s, and several of the strategies used by the partnership were borrowed from that era, such as canvasing the community and participating in demonstrations. The partnership's staff and its members were active participants and organizers in many community efforts.

The Community Coalition had an informal organizational structure, with the main decision-making body being a board of directors. The programmatic focus of the partnership had three components: an environmental strategy for dealing with drug and alcohol community nuisance problems; the development of youth leadership skills in the delivery of substance abuse prevention messages to peers; and the coordination of technical assistance in the form of training and educational conferences and activities for social service providers.

The partnership initiated the "Neighborhoods Fighting Back" program, a permanent watchdog organization. Fifty-nine neighborhoods with geographically specific boundaries were active within the partnership's target area.

Prevention and Policy Activities

The prevention activities were organized around neighborhood, social services, and youth components.

The battle against the rebuilding of liquor stores in the area was one of the partnership's biggest projects. The partnership met with members of the mayor's office, the City Planning Commission and Department, and the Alcohol Beverage Control Board to discuss increasing the revocation of liquor licenses.

The partnership also formed a permanent watchdog organization as one of its main prevention activities. The program addressed alcohol and substance abuse prevention from an environmental perspective and organized residents and decision-makers around issues relating to street drug sales, crack houses, alcohol and tobacco advertising, and illegal tobacco sales to youths.

The youth activities were aimed at providing a voice for youths, training them to become community volunteers and organizers. The Teen Tobacco Awareness Project attempted to purchase tobacco products in a number of liquor stores and documented its findings in a survey. The project's youth component launched a voter education campaign on a ballot initiative that would send those convicted of three felonies to jail for life, calling for youth convictions to be exempted from the initiative.

The partnership also provided technical assistance to other organizations and agencies.

Partnership Outcomes

The partnership community showed statistically significant reductions in substance use, relative to its comparison community. Significant reductions were found in the use of alcohol reported by eighth graders during the past month and past year combined.

The partnership fought successfully for stronger local laws controlling the rebuilding of liquor stores, following civil unrest that had destroyed many of the stores. As a result, and the area now has 150 fewer liquor stores. Other liquor stores approved for rebuilding were required to have security guards and improved lighting. As a result of its "Rebuild Campaign," the Department of Alcohol and Beverage Control has been expanded to include the ability to impose and enforce conditions on the issuance of beer and wine licenses, directly affecting the sale and consumption of alcohol in the community. Due in part to the work of the partnership, the potential problems surrounding alcohol outlets raised awareness statewide, leading to the consideration of state legislation.

Among other actions, the partnership, through its "Neighborhoods Fighting Back" project, successfully forced an absentee landlord to board up an abandoned house that had been used for cocaine trafficking and consumption. Also, the partnership area's teens convinced a city council representative to develop a new ordinance that would levy financial penalties on those selling tobacco to underage youths.

The Community Coalition was extremely successful in gaining and influencing media attention for its efforts. After each partnership campaign was developed, the partnership sought media coverage for the campaign, trying to help shape the story. The partnership maintained a listing of all and categorized them by potential print opportunities. The partnership's strategy has worked so well that the media comes to the partnership for ideas and expert opinion on certain topics. The partnership has been featured on network TV as well as on respected public TV broadcasts, such as the "McNeil/Lehrer Report."

Inhibiting Conditions

During 1993, the partnership suffered from some fragmentation of component areas and constituencies, which it attempted to resolve through greater emphasis on joint programs.

Partnership Status

In 1994, the Partnership received 501(c)(3) status, and responsibility for the SAMHSA/CSAP grant shifted to the new nonprofit organization. In 1995, the Partnership applied successfully for a SAMHSA/ CSAP coalition grant.

The project director had devoted considerable time to identifying resources that could be used to help the partnership remain viable beyond the SAMHSA/CSAP grant. The partnership's extensive network was instrumental in helping identify potential sources of future funding. Among other support, the city has invested $450,000 in rehabilitating a city-owned building for partnership use. This new headquarters is located in the midst of an area that was severely damaged by civic unrest and has since become the center of a major community and economic revitalization project.

During the life of the partnership, it provided technical assistance to a number of organizations and agencies. Because of grant constraints, these services did not have an associated fee. One of the partnership's current goals is to develop a fee schedule and to begin marketing its services for hire.

Knox, Laurel, and Whitley Counties, KY

Community Type

The Tri-County Substance Abuse Prevention Alliance was located in a southern community composed of three counties with a total population of about 107,000. The region has historically been characterized by extreme poverty, and most residents live in rural, often remote areas.

The partnership community is predominantly white; racial minorities make up less than 2 percent of the population.

Alcohol and tobacco use, especially smokeless tobacco among teenagers, is common. Recent attempts to reduce DUI levels from .10 to .08 failed in the Kentucky legislature.

The marijuana trade is viewed as having a strong positive effect on the local economy, but is not abused locally. Prior to the production of marijuana, the region was known for its moonshiners.

The partnership was classified as serving a Type D community--a community with a local economy in which production or distribution of alcoholic beverages, tobacco products, or illicit substances is a significant component.

Partnership's Organizational Features

The partnership began when various community groups had an emerging interest in addressing the substance use problems in the region. An annual community needs assessment survey of parents and low-income social service clients also found an increased concern over illicit drug and alcohol use in the community.

The partnership's main objectives were to provide a mechanism to promote new and coordinated services and service delivery for the minority population; to determine the scope and nature of the substance abuse problems; to act as a conduit of information, referral, and technical assistance to organizations, communities, business, and government; and to promote the collaborative efforts of service providers.

The Alliance was made up of approximately 30 members. Membership was mostly composed of social service professionals. The partnership had 10-12 active and stable partners at the core of its membership.

The staff and the partnership chair played a significant role in support of the partnership. The project director remained the same throughout the life of the partnership, providing continuity and historical knowledge.

The Policy Committee served as a steering committee, made award decisions on developmental support funds, and decided when a strategic planning session was needed.

Four additional committees focused on specific issues, including family involvement; community education and awareness; academic and career achievement; and resource development.

The partnership's decision-making process allowed anyone to bring forward any item, either in committee or in full session, where plans of action are agreed upon by consensus.

Prevention and Policy Activities

The partnership held an all-day strategic planning meeting in February 1994, focusing on five planning issues: marijuana use and cultivation, parental permissiveness, lack of recreational or alternative activities, lack of community awareness about the partnership, and lack of awareness about alcohol and tobacco abuse.

One of the partnership's major activities was its provision of service dollars to community-based organizations, allocating $25,000 annually for this purpose.

The partnership has acted as an information and referral source and has coordinated efforts of representatives of the three counties. Other activities included its workplace program and the advent of family resource youth service centers (which provided direct assistance and referral to families and school children with basic needs, including substance abuse services).

The Alliance helped to support existing DARE and other prevention programs, like Peer Helpers and Red Ribbon Week. It helped the DARE program expand by developing materials to be used with fourth and fifth graders.

It concentrated its policy efforts on an initiative to increase the substance possession penalty at local schools from a 10-day suspension to immediate expulsion.

Partnership Outcomes

The partnership community showed statistically significant reductions in substance use, relative to its comparison community. Significant reductions were found "in the use of illicit drugs during the past year and the past month" reported by eighth graders.

The Alliance promoted the coordination of services for minority populations and shared information about substance abuse problems. The partnership was able to bring representatives from the three counties together to coordinate and pursue more effective prevention efforts.

The advent of family resource youth service centers in the area has also been linked to partnership efforts. The partnership's survey results, which clearly illustrated a need for such centers, were used in applications to the state for funding. The partnership's county coordinators worked closely with the centers to lend support to its activities and to coordinate efforts for events.

The partnership was also credited with having been a mobilizing force among social service agents.

Inhibiting Conditions

The partnership's major inhibitor has been its lack of identity in the community. To outsiders, it appears to be an activity of the lead organization. For example, there are no signs indicating the partnership's location within the organization's offices.

The Alliance has also had little success in engaging the interests of the business, faith, or grassroots community groups. The overwhelming predominance of social service providers has resulted in a concern that the partnership many not truly represent the community, but rather represents the perspective of the social service industry.

The partnership also suffered from some turf conflict. There were a number of prevention activities independent of the partnership, including after-school programs, treatment programs, and outreach programs. This also made it possible that there were rival explanations for any reductions in substance use.

Partnership Status

The partnership formed an ad hoc committee to explore potential sources of future funding.

In addition, the lead organization had committed to continue to support the community coordinator position with funds obtained through a community services block grant. The committee members felt that they would likely be able to continue with their direct services activities. They were confident that they would be able to secure the necessary funding to maintain the level of activity that they had held in the past.

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References

Center for Substance Abuse Prevention (CSAP). (1993). National evaluation of the Community Partnership Demonstration Grant Program: Third annual report. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

CSAP. (1995). National evaluation of the Community Partnership Demonstration Grant Program: Fourth annual report. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

CSAP. (1997). National evaluation of the Community Partnership Demonstration Grant Program: Fifth annual report. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Kaftarian, S. J., & Yin, R. K. (Eds.). (1997). Local and national outcomes from Community Partnerships to Prevent Substance Abuse. Evaluation and Program Planning, 20 (3).

Yin, R. K., Kaftarian, S. J., Yu, P., & Jansen, M. A. (1997). Outcomes from CSAP's Community Partnership Program: Findings from the National Cross-Site Evaluation. Evaluation and Program Planning, 20 (3), 345-355.

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